Rape As a Weapon of War
If there was ever a doubt that women are the most powerful keepers of society, the phenomenon of rape as a weapon of war is sure to dissuade that idea. Rape as a weapon of war is the strategic and widely used method of warfare that involves soldiers raping women . This type of rape is marked by its intention to aid in the winning of war and conflict. The following is a comparison study of rape as a weapon of war in the contexts of the American South during the Civil Rights Movement, The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Colombia.
It is important to note that these are not the only three contexts in which rape as a weapon of war exists, nor is it the only three contexts in which it is prominent. This phenomenon has occurred in the context of wars since at least the documentation of war has begun. The writing of this blog is academic because it is comprised of my research and is a topic of research I continue to come back to. That being said, it is also a lengthy blog. If you are not able to read the entire thing, but still want to read about it, I recommend reading only one of the contexts, then skipping down to the “Interviews” section and starting from there. Also, if this topic interests you, please reach out to me for recommendations for documentaries, books, and I’d love to just have a dialogue about it.
Contexts
The American South During the Civil Rights Movement
McGuire (2011) writes, “Twenty of the twenty-three children Bramlett gave birth to were products of rape” (p.191). This quote depicts how pervasive rape as a weapon of war was during the civil rights movement. Although the civil rights movement was not explicitly a war, it was marked by tactics of warfare in the effort to prevent change. There is one popular story of rape as a weapon of war done by white men on Black women during the Civil Rights Movement that stands out. This being the story of Recy Taylor.
On September 3, 1944 in Abbeville, Alabama, Taylor was walking home from church when she noticed the same car pass her about 3 times (McGuire, 2011). Finally, seven men hopped out of the car carrying guns and knives, and walked toward Taylor (McGuire, 2011). Lovett, one of the men, accused Taylor of cutting a white boy in line. He grabbed her arm, and promised to return her if she was not the perpetrator (McGuire, 2011). When Taylor tried to escape, they threatened to kill her, then they pushed her in the car, taking her to a secluded part of the road (McGuire, 2011). Lovett ordered Taylor to take off her clothes and lie down (McGuire, 2011). Then, Taylor was raped, first by Lovett, then by the rest of the men in the car (McGuire, 2011).
Unfortunately, there are many more stories like Recy Taylor’s. Rape was so common that white men who sought interracial sex had a name during the Civil Rights Movement: “Alleybats” (McGuire, 2010). Many tried to characterize Black women as promiscuous, as if they welcomed the rape (McGuire, 2010). White employers lured Black women in with the promise of better wages, then raped them (McGuire, 2010). This was clearly tied to economics then; poorer women got raped more because they were looking for better wages. Additionally, Black “help” faced sexual assault by their bosses, all while having no choice but to take the bus to work, where they were again, often physically and verbally assaulted (McGuire, 2010). As a result, there was a bus boycott, in which Black women raised money to organize carpools so that they were not reliant on the buses anymore (McGuire, 2010). Because the Black women were no longer dependent on the services of the white man, white men could no longer control, or sexually assault and harass, Black women (at least in the context of bus-riding).
As one can imagine, with regard to the criminal justice system, there was a double standard for Black men raping white women versus white men raping Black women (McGuire, 2010). Black men having consensual sex with white women were accused of “raping” white sex workers and sentenced to death by the electric chair (McGuire, 2010). On the other hand, white men more frequently raped Black women (McGuire, 2010). When this happened, Black men were not afraid or opposed to standing up and fighting for their Black women (McGuire, 2010). Perhaps Black men supported Black women because they felt powerlessness in their wives were being raped (McGuire, 2010). Either way, Black men were supportive of Black women. Blacks fought back through community organizing; they were not willing to take their treatment lying down (McGuire, 2010). When telling their story, Black women were not intimidated by the stigma; they were strong and courageous (McGuire, 2010). However, when they inevitably went to jail because of this, there were invasive, sexual bodily searches done by the police officers (McGuire, 2010). No matter what, Black women could not seem to get full control of their own bodies.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
A UN official named the DRC the rape capital of the world, with at least 48 women and girls being raped every hour (Cannon, 2012). Zongwe tells us that the war in the DRC is a result of residual conflict from the refugees of the Rwandan Genocide and the fact that the DRC is mineral rich with tungsten, tin, and tantalum, which are vital pieces in the electronics we use every day, such as cell phone and computers (2012). Other minerals that the DRC is abundant with are gold and coltan (Meger, 2011). Each armed group in the DRC is fighting for control over these minerals that are sure to bring them riches (Zongwe, 2012). Meger tells us that the demand for these minerals from other countries, such as the United States, at low prices is keeping the DRC at war (2011). There have been at least 5 million deaths as a result of the warfare in the DRC (Zongwe, 2012). Because so much is at stake in this war, men have been implementing the age-old tactic of rape as a weapon of war.
Reasons for rape as a weapon of war in the DRC have varied. Some reasons include displacing families with the threat of a recurrence so that the armed group can seize the land for the illegal mining of minerals (Meger, 2011). Other reasons for rape in the DRC are to produce fear within the community, transmit sexual diseases or impregnate, and many use rape as a war simply because they can get away with it (Maedl, 2011).
Other reasons for rape as a weapon of war in the DRC are intragroup cohesion and relationship building. Maedl states that armed groups use rape as a weapon of war to establish hierarchy (the person who rapes a woman first is more dominant), and to create a platform for bonding amongst the group (2011). Cohen also states that rape is used to create social cohesion amongst the group as a necessity to ensure that individuals do not run away after they have been coerced into joining an armed group, and/or so that they do not turn on their leaders (2016). It is assumed that sharing the same skeletons, bonds people. So sharing the socially deviant act of rape would essentially bring group members together (Cohen, 2016).
Rape as a weapon of war can also be used as an initiation process into an armed group (Cohen, 2016). Many go through with this because life outside of an armed group is more dangerous or terrifying than being a part of one (Cohen, 2016). The rape creates cohesion and instills toxic masculinity, destroying communities at, what they think, is a cheaper cost compared to other weaponry (Cohen, 2016).
However, Cohen posits that groups are wrong to believe that rape comes at a cheaper cost than other weaponry (2016). It takes a psychological toll on the men and they risk contracting sexually transmitted diseases (Cohen, 2016). Maedl tells us that at least 50% of the rapists abuse drugs in order to overcome their moral objections and/or to create sexual desire and aggression (2011). Brown speaks a little to the economics of rape, stating that the soldiers are so poor that they often rape to steal things such as food from women (2011). This is because the soldiers are highly underpaid, if paid at all (Brown, 2011).
Zongwe explains that as a result of the failing economy in the Congo, women had to start working in the fields, markets, and forests in order to make money and obtain food, which is where they would get assaulted (2012). Brown also states the physical effects of rape on women: 30% are mutilated sexually, with fistulas being the most common injury (2011). Fistulas are when the walls separating the vagina, rectum, and bladder no longer exist, leaving women unable to control bowel movements and privy to infection. Additionally, there is stigma attached to women with fistulas. Another physical effect of the rape is contracting HIV/AIDS. Brown claims that women have a 60% chance of dying whenever they are raped (Brown, 2011).
In addition to physical problems, 91% of women who have been raped suffer psychological problems (Brown, 2011). Rape as a weapon of war in the DRC and anywhere else is a crime against humanity and a war crime, according to the International Criminal Tribunal (Maedl, 2011).
Colombia
The conflict in Colombia has been ongoing for over 70 years (Felter & Renwick, 2017). When a power-sharing agreement excluded left-wing communists, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN) began to incite violence across the country, killing and kidnapping thousands (Felter & Renwick, 2017). Soon, right-wing gangs began to form (Felter & Renwick, 2017). Both sides began their involvement with drug trafficking, supplying 90% of the world’s cocaine at one point, which increased violence in Colombia as the groups fought over territory (Felter & Renwick, 2017).
In response to the increased violence, the United States gave Colombia over $10 billion in an effort to help fight against guerillas and drug trafficking (Felter & Renwick, 2017). After that, President Uribe, elected in 2002, was instrumental in significantly decreasing the rates of murder and kidnapping by left-wing groups (Felter & Renwick, 2017). However, some believe that this is because he had secret ties to right-wing groups (Felter & Renwick, 2017). As a result of this decrease, FARC and ELN agreed to consider negotiations with the government for peace (Felter & Renwick, 2017). However, Colombians fought against this because they felt that the guerilla groups were getting off too easily without punishment and justice (Felter & Renwick, 2017). Though the peace treaty was signed shortly after, against Colombian citizens’ wishes, it was not enforced (HRW, 2019). Thus, violence in Colombia continues today (HRW, 2019). Not surprisingly, with this violence comes rape as a weapon of war.
Theoretical Framework
One theory that is relevant when framing our discussion about the mental health aspects of rape as a weapon of war, is Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory Model (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009). This theory posits that everyone has many systems/environments in which they live, and the intersections of those make experiences different for different people (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009). There are five different systems/environments that Bronfenbrenner classifies. First, there is the individual, including personality and demographic information (age, race, education, etc.) (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009). Second, there is the microsystem, which encompasses the effects of people around you (family, friends, community, etc.) (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009). Third, there is the meso/exosystem. This includes systems or institutions that one interacts with, such as law enforcement, community organizations, religious organizations, etc. (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009). Fourth, there is the macrosystem, which includes the effects of the culture or society that one is living in (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009). Finally, the chronosystem includes everything over the span of one’s lifetime (Campbell, Dworkin, & Cabral, 2009).
This theoretical framework is relevant to think about because it is never this one event of rape as a weapon of war that is contributing to the mental health effects after the event. Additionally, this theory reminds us that we are all experiencing intersectional spaces at all times, and, the trauma does not begin and end with the specific event of the rape. Although, all of those layers of systems are influenced by this event. Thus, influencing the victim/survivor in intersectional ways. Unfortunately, in the three contexts of this paper (the American South during the Civil Rights Era, the DRC, and Colombia), those systems that survivors experience are usually composed of risk factors, and not protective factors.
Interviews
In this research, four female survivors of rape as a weapon of war were interviewed in Bogotá, Colombia. The questions asked during the interviews included the following:
1. How old are you? Where are you from? What is your occupation?
2. Did you report the incident? What was the persons’ reaction/what were the reasons for not reporting the event?
3. How did this event affect you (mentally, physically, etc.)?
4. What resources do you need now? What activities bring you joy (i.e. self-care)? Some of the issues brought up during the interviews that were relevant to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory included how the women had children born out of the rape, children they are now struggling with due to the child’s involvement in sex trafficking or or other negative associations. These children are living the effects of their primary or secondary trauma. These women are also dealing with homelessness, or living near perpetrators because the Colombian government provides housing for all types of victims of the war, including soldiers who rape.
Additionally, all of the women that were interviewed are or were at some point suicidal and can be diagnosed with PTSD. These interviews demonstrated that, like Bronfenbrenner states, the struggling does not begin and end with the event of the rape. There are long-lasting effects having to do with their families, communities, culture, organizations/programs, etc.
For example, if the economy is failing so the only source of income that you can rely on is that from harvesting farmland, you do that work and experience rape as a weapon of war. After experiencing rape as a weapon of war, you ar not able to keep a job due to the failing economy, declining mental health as a result of trauma, and repeated doctors appointment, it is easy to become homeless. The government’s way of supporting you when experiencing homelessness is to provide you with victim housing, which happens to be in the same building as the soldier who inflicted the trauma. These factors influenced their rape, and their rape influenced these factors.
Reflections
Becoming knowledgeable about rape as a weapon of war means that we become knowledgeable about the ways in which it affects all of our lives in a negative way. It directly influences the lives of the victims/survivors by impacting their physical and mental health, their financial status, their interpersonal relationships, and every other system and intersection that they exist within. Additionally, we are all indirectly affected because the women are members of our community. When their mental and physical health is negatively affected, that influences their ability to work in society, affecting our economic and family health. They also are often the glue of the community, so when they are down, the community is down-husbands cannot go to work and children cannot go to school if they are hungry and sick.
Another factor, often not discussed, is the strained relationship that the children born of rape as a weapon of war have with their mothers (Erjavec & Volčič, 2010). It is possible for the mothers to develop strong negative feelings toward the child because they can serve as a reminder of the traumatic event (Erjavec & Volčič, 2010). In some cases, this causes mental illness in the child as well, especially if the mother abuses/neglects them because of their reminder (Erjavec & Volčič, 2010). Girls with mental illness are more likely to become victims in the future (as evident by the experiences of the women interviewed), and boys with mental illness may turn to a life involved with crime and/or the same things that their biological fathers were involved with (Garbarino, 2010). The cycle then becomes visible.
The interviews illuminated Brofenbrenner’s ecological theory. They displayed the nuances of the effects of rape as a weapon of war. While all of the women had experienced rape as a weapon of war, their lives looked different afterward. Factors such as ethnicity, family, and education contributed to the nuances. One of the women, being Afro-Latina, was a larger target for perpetrators, and had a more difficult time obtaining support and resources. During the interview, she became actively suicidal, at which point, the interviews were paused to plan for her safety. On the other hand, another woman was able to use her education in sewing to earn money making clothes for the community.
All of the women had been suicidal at some point after the rape, as a result of the rape; they all stated that the primary factor keeping them alive is their family. The strong family bond that they have (amplified in a collective society), in addition to the fact that women, validly, feel as though their children need them because they are the ones who take care of their children, and that their purpose is to take care of their children. This can be problematic because the women feel as though their worth and value lies solely in their ability to take care of their children. However, it is difficult to take care of children in a society at war, where the trauma that the women experience directly affects their children, making it difficult for the above mentioned cycle to be broken.
Another facet of this mental and public health crisis, is that the women, when asked general questions about themselves, only mentioned their trauma narrative. It appeared as though they felt that they are their trauma, as opposed to describing themselves as funny or smart or enjoying activities, they described themselves as victims. Many of the women explained their concern for how the rape effects their marriage. They mentioned that they feel dirty or ugly; they do not want to be intimate or even touched.
Recommendations
It can be overwhelming to think about how to begin to solve the massive issue of rape as a weapon of war. The following are a few suggestions. First, start by gaining awareness and education. Many of us do not know much about or have never heard of this issue, even though it has been occurring since the start of wars, and in every war. Therefore, this crisis is still in the awareness phase of solving an issue. It is difficult to change something without knowing about it.
Next, it is important to stop contributing to the causes of the wars. For example, the rape as a weapon of war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is a result of the mineral war (Meger, 2011). Countries all over the world exploit the minerals in the DRC, due to the cheap labor, so that they can continue to buy and sell new technology and expensive jewelry (Meger, 2011). In the context of Colombia, the current state of drug trafficking is fuel for the war, with the Western world being their largest client. Of course that requires the Western world to address the public health crisis of drug abuse. Although these things seem overwhelming, many issues such as rape as a weapon of war, war itself, the drug abuse crisis, etc., all stem from root issues. If we can begin to address foundational issues and systems (versus symptoms), we can eradicate many other issues that are a direct and/or indirect result of the major issue. I urge you not to be discouraged by the overwhelm of systems change. You can start by attending a city council meeting to learn about local policy in your town. Most city council meetings are even held online now.
A third way to tackle the rape as a weapon of war crisis is to provide resources for victims and perpetrators. Right now, our systems lack essential resources, such as mental and physical health care, safe housing, financial opportunities, etc. While many victims are struggling to survive, perpetrators are simultaneously creating more victims, because perpetrator issues (mental health, poverty, etc.), just like victim issues, have not been addressed. Overall, rape as a weapon of war requires both macro and micro, prevention and harm-reduction, long-term and short-term solutions.
After completing the interviews, the women were asked what they wanted to come of them. It was uncomfortable to take their difficult information and emotional labor/trust, to simply use for the personal gain of publishing a paper. One option was for nothing to be done; it could have simply been a space for them to discuss what happened to them with someone who was listening. Another option was to publish on the issue in order to spread awareness as the first step in solving this issue. They chose the latter.
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